By R. Zubek
Given the eu Union’s entire effect over accession states in valuable Europe, the complete adoption of the acquis communautaire ahead of expansion appeared a assured final result. through learning ecu rule adoption in Poland, Hungary and the Czech Republic, this publication unearths that winning criminal alignment used to be actually contingent on institutional reform inside nationwide middle executives. Reinforcement of the center govt vis-?-vis ministerial departments ensured well timed and exact rule adoption, whereas a vulnerable middle government ended in asymmetric and incomplete felony switch. along with contributing to a greater realizing of the dynamics of nationwide model in the course of the japanese expansion, the booklet lays the principles for explaining post-accession compliance within the new european member states.
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Extra resources for Core Executive and Europeanization in Central Europe
1). Between 1998 and 1999, the proportion of the domestic measures scheduled for adoption that were indeed passed by the cabinet remained at a relatively low level. 100 90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 Source: Own compilation (†2nd half of each year except 2002 where data for the whole year was used). 1 Compliance with transposition commitments (percentage of adopted drafts) based on data from the NPAAs 34 ● Core Executive and Europeanization in Central Europe The scores were 16 and 31 percent, respectively.
Grabbe 2001). The second observation is that, although the uncertainty regarding the minimum legal requirements may have declined over time, EU rule adoption carried a high opportunity cost for Central European executives. Lacking the experience of policy formulation, ministers and departments were unsure about what individual benefits to expect and so were able to offset adaptation costs only against the collective benefits of policy modernization and EU accession. Even when they were able to identify concentrated benefits, they expected such benefits to materialize only after enlargement.
If resources are limited (as they usually are) and ministers have opportunities to commit them to policies that yield more favorable individual costbenefit ratio (as they usually have), then a strategy of not contributing to collective action may be expected to dominate. This is particularly true since collective benefits tend to take longer to be generated. If benefits are not only collective but also remote, while costs are incurred in the short term, ministers and departments may discount them, concluding that their present value is insufficient to compensate for legislative or political costs.
Core Executive and Europeanization in Central Europe by R. Zubek